Doubting the Saints

By Jessica Hudepohl

The media, film in particular, is a source of moral orientation, though not of spiritual guidance (Hjavard 2008:21). According to Margaret Miles, contemporary popular films have become a transmitter of the values and attitudes held by modern society. However, religion is not only communicated through the mass media; religious beliefs are also imbedded into the very core of popular culture (Miles in Axelson 2006:3). Both The Boondock Saints and Doubt reflect Roman Catholic beliefs and rituals, with Christian ethics and morality playing an essential role in each film’s plot.

The research of Tomas Axelson into Swedish film viewing and its influence over its audience reinforces the notion of religious belief embedded in film. He surveyed the viewing choices within a mixed group of atheists, agnostics and religious young adults, and questioned them as to why they chose specific films as their favourites. In particular, Axelson focused on their concept of ‘life-questions’ and how they were reflected in each film. Two of the most commonly reflected concepts were those regarding moral principles and good versus evil (Axelson 2006:5-8). The application of these concepts to both The Boondock Saints and Doubt will allow us to investigate the representations of religious values and beliefs in these films.

Aspects of Morality/The question of Morality

Both films work on the principle of Christian morality and are preoccupied with interpretations of sin. Based on the law of God, the protagonists in both The Boondock Saints and Doubt take matters into their own hands and decide what is wrong using their interpretations of Christian ethics. However, by definition, their own actions are immoral too; Sister Aloysius explains this concept: “When you take a step to address wrongdoing, you take a step away from God, but in his service.”In both films, the characters act for the perceived good, regardless of how those actions affect others.

In The Boondock Saints, the MacManus brothers take the fight against organized crime into their own hands, beginning with a simple act of defense, but eventually culminating into a vendetta against anyone they think to be morally corrupt. Their victims are not chosen based on any particular system or form of order; these ‘angels of death’ simply visit those guilty of extreme sin. Their friend Rocco, a low-level delivery boy for the local mafia, possesses personal knowledge regarding every mafia member along the East Coast, and so provides the brothers with potential targets. However, Rocco lacks the moral clarity shared by the Irish Catholics, and on more than one occasion kills out of revenge. Rocco is put back onto the moral path when he attempts to kill the federal agent investigating ‘The Saints’; “He isn't to be touched. - He's a good man.” This quote indicates the moral direction of the brothers’ vendetta - only those who are corrupt should be executed; innocents shall not be harmed.

Within the film Doubt, Sister Aloysius represents the decisive and convicted zeal of the pre-Vatican II Catholic Church, and is a contradictive personification of the doubts present throughout the film, including race, sexuality and of course, religion. In her pursuit of truth, Sister Aloysius will stop at nothing to destroy Father Flynn, even if it means endangering the life of one boy, the boy she is trying to protect. However, her ruthlessness should not be taken as a lack of compassion. After all, it is her concern for the welfare of her students that sparks the nun’s investigation. Sister Aloysius represents both the protagonist and antagonist of the film, as well as the harsh but necessary relationship between the children in the school and their religion.

Aspects of Good and Evil

The Boondock Saints explores the idea of a necessary evil. The villains of the film are stereotypical, taking the form of mafia dons, hit men, and lechers. Although murderers themselves, the MacManus brothers are obviously painted as good guys, hunting down the worst of criminals and removing them from the mortal coil. They pick up from where the arm of the law leaves off, ridding Boston of those the police cannot touch. Local residents, police and friends alike claim that there should be a group of ‘Saints’ in every major city, many publically volunteering for the job, reinforcing the notion that vigilantism is not necessarily a crime; indeed, it is something to aspire to.



Unlike The Boondock Saints, the notion of good and evil are not as clear-cut in the film Doubt. Working on her own suspicions and dislike for Father Flynn, Sister Aloysius sets out to prove that the priest is conducting an indecent relationship with a child. However, without any evidence, she fails to convince anyone but herself of his wrongdoing, and by the end of the film, even she begins to doubt her assumptions. As Sister Aloysius is less than scrupulous in conducting her investigation, and Father Flynn continuously protests his innocence throughout the film, it is unclear to the audience upon Doubt’s conclusion just who is the unethical and sinful character.

Armed with the little evidence presented over the duration of Doubt, viewers are left to reconcile their own doubt and make their own assumptions regarding each character’s true nature. In contrast, The Boondock Saints provide the audience with a much more overt presentation of the facts. The vox populi segment at the closing of the film also leaves the viewers to make their own decision regarding the MacManus clan’s action, though it is evident through the overly positive remarks which stance the audience is expected to take.

 Sources

Axelson T. 2006. Movies, Mind and Meaning – Studying Audience and Favourite Films. Presented to the Fifth International Conference on Media, Religion, and Culture: Mediating Religion in the Context of Cultural Tension.

Duffy T. 1999. The Boondock Saints. Franchise Pictures.

Hjarvard S. 2008. The Mediatization of Religion: A Theory of the Media as Agents of Religious Change. Northern Lights. 6,1.

Shanley J.P. 2008. Doubt. Miramax Films.

The Spirit in Media, Film and Music

Welcome to the BlogSite of the Media, Film, Music and Spirit: Religion and Popular Culture, an exciting course developed in the Studies in Religion and Spirituality discipline in the School of History, Philosophy, Religion and Classics at The University of Queensland.

The aim of the course is to investigate the interconnectedness between media and religion and to seek out aspects of religion and spirituality in forms of media production and delivery - from news and ideology, to representation of religious and cultural groups, to analysis of dimensions of religion and spirituality in pop music, hiphop and alternative genres, and finally to film and television and the generation of religious and spiritual ideas and movements in popular movies and mainline television shows.

Here students and staff in the course post their thoughts on the relationship of religion to media, and on mediated religion. We hope you enjoy your travels in our blogsite.

Critical Review: Narnia, Harry Potter & the Supernatural

By Hadassah Meadows

The Chronicles of Narnia – Specifically The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe, and Prince Caspian, would be familiar stories to most children and adults alike in the English speaking world. The beloved stories of C.S. Lewis were created into highly commercial films in 2005 and 2008. The story focuses on the Pevensie children, ordinary children from our world who are sucked into another world where the children are forced to choose between the forces of good and evil. C.S. Lewis acknowledged the Chronicles to be an allegorical tale of the Christian Gospel, a claim which has become highly controversial amongst Christian and secular critics alike. One Christian critic states that “Narnia is a blend of what may be cautiously paralleled with the Gospel mixed with paganism and maybe Gaiaism.”

Despite controversy around C.S. Lewis’ motivations in writing The Chronicles of Narnia, the film adaption of the book has steered clear of any overt ‘religious’ overtones, yet has kept a large portion of the spiritual and supernatural themes. Does this reflect our current society, which although openly rejects or ostracises orthodox and fundamental religion, is willing to embrace the spiritual and supernatural with no qualms. A scene in Prince Caspian, (which some attribute its M15+ rating to), is in an underground cave, where a hag and a werewolf begin to call up the dead witch of the past. The protagonists of the story soon fight to stop such an atrocity, and it is made clear that some kinds of magic are acceptable, and some are not. The film clearly communicates that a séance to revive a dead person is an unacceptable use of magic powers. However, not all magic in the film is reviled, such as Aslan (the Lion and Saviour of Narnia) breathing stone statues to life. The film was a box office hit, and feasibly did ‘work’. Despite being pitched as a children’s film (and being released over the Christmas holidays), the film blended enough spiritual and supernatural content to keep in step with the current trend of our society who are eager to consume and experience the supernatural, paranormal and spiritual.

The Harry Potter series, written by J.K Rowling (first published in 1997) has been simultaneously lauded and criticised on a worldwide scale. The books captured the attention of the world very quickly after being published, and the 6^th movie instalment was released less than 6 months ago. The first book, and film adaption, Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone, is the story of a young boy who is orphaned when his parents are killed while he is only a baby. He is a wizard, but remains unaware of this fact until his 11^th birthday. The film follows the book relatively faithfully, and presents a magical world of witchcraft and wizardry full of excitement and adventure. Like Narnia, Harry Potter’s world (Hogwarts), is filled with mythical creatures and powerful forces of good and evil. Within each story there is a pre-existent villain who has the good creatures in the grip of fear, and it is only the children – in Narnia it’s the Pevensie children, in Harry Potter it’s Harry – who can set things right. This appeal to our culture’s sense of heroism, of good triumphing over evil, is strong within both films. Harry Potter also explores the spiritual and supernatural and the way power and magic are used. Just as the hag and werewolf wield a dark power in Prince Caspian, so does Voldemort (the murderer of Harry’s parents) wield power which he puts to evil use. Both films explore the spiritual and supernatural battle of good and evil, and make explicit to the audience that there is a clear distinction between these forces, and that each person has the capability to choose and distinguish between the two forces. Overall, Harry Potter is an entertaining and successful film which explores the good/evil dichotomy in relative depth.

In their appeal to our cultural longing for the supernatural, paranormal, extraterrestrial and spiritual, both Harry Potter and Prince Caspian highlight the shift from established religion to a new, more ‘thrilling’ form of spirituality. Post-modern society embraces these depictions of another, alternative reality - just look at the plethora of media available (Buffy, Twilight, Supernatural, Ghost, X files, Lord of the Rings, Medium, City of Angels, etc.). Harry Potter and Narnia deliver the action, adventure and supernatural storyline viewers are hungry for, which makes the films commercially successful, but are they communicating a balanced and unbiased presentation of religious gratification to the audience? On the one hand, statistics have shown a decline in the numbers of adherents to institutionalised religion over the past century, yet, as the pendulum always seems to swing back, will we see a shift back to our fundamental roots in Western culture as the ‘thrilling’ side of the supernatural proves to be unfulfilling once out of the dimly lit movie theatre?

Buffy and the power within - Tallulah Grey

Joss Whedon’s Buffy the Vampire Slayer, while it can be seen as a leader in the modern occult phenomenon, has also helped break down barriers and demolish stereotypes that have in the past severely damaged our views and beliefs. Buffy has become a source of power for many individuals and groups which had previously lacked either the strength, the will or the faith to stand up and be counted. Buffy is, in its very essence, counter-hegemonic: going against the tide in every way. Buffy Summers becomes a Patron Saint of feminine strength, and her best friend Willow becomes quite literally a Goddess.

The standard in television is usually a hero: a young man with some sort of power, whether it be intelligence, strength or the ability to breathe fire or jump back in time. This hero either works alone or with a small group of companions. Romantic entanglements are short-lived, especially for the romantic character, who often dies almost immediately after a relationship is begun. Villains are irredeemable, and sometimes in some way demonic. Buffy breaks the mould in many ways.

The hero is a heroine: a teenage girl gifted (or cursed) with the task of being the Slayer. Normally the Slayer is a one-man (or in this case woman) show, but Buffy has a group of friends who help her. Each of her friends embodies a different strength: Giles has the knowledge, Willow has the magic as well as the tech-savvies to hack into any system, Anya has the experience, Cordelia has the guts, and Xander has the heart. Buffy’s romantic relationships, while often ending in heartbreak and, on occasion, violent death, last for much longer than most television heroes seem to be able to manage. While Buffy’s villains are almost always literally demonized, they usually have a human aspect. In most cases, they love someone or something, and this leads to either their salvation or destruction. (Wilcox 3 – 17)

The article “Willow’s Queer Transformations on Buffy the Vampire Slayer” by Susan Driver deals with issues of “coming of age, coming out, [and] becoming powerful.” (Driver 91) Using the character Willow Rosenberg as an example, Driver discusses lesbians in the media, or the lack thereof. Driver states that often in television, while male coming out plotlines can be drawn out and complex, lesbian characters get pushed to the backburner, getting ignored unless necessary for a bit of “erotic fascination”. (Driver 92) “On rare occasions when girls are portrayed, they become reduced to an immature phase of bisexual indecision”, (Driver 92) suggesting that the media is implying that teenage girls are less likely to have as much of a decisive will as their male companions. When Willow came out, teenage girls flocked to this new guide through a complex and confusing time in their lives. Willow’s relationships had as much screen time as the heterosexual relationships in Buffy, and she had just as much depth as, if not more than, any other main character. Her arc was overwhelmingly powerful. “Willow went from innocent and geeky and adorable to confident and intelligent, and then to frighteningly evil but still sexy, and then to unsure” (Driver 95) and from there to an all-powerful Goddess.

One of Willow’s most attractive aspects is her imperfection. In high school, she is not the sexy girl who stood out from the crowd. She’s just another teenager wearing dorky clothes, not knowing where her life is going to take her. A twenty-year old girl, Helen, is quoted in Driver’s article as to why a character like Willow is so necessary to the young queer community.

“I work at Taco Time. I don’t have a girlfriend, and haven’t in over three years. I wear normal, boring clothing and dirty shoes. I listen to Broadway musicals and obsess over TV shows. I love my friends, but don’t fall in love with them. Every person I’d like to be with doesn’t necessarily want me back, and vice versa. I have an accepting family where there is no drama whatsoever related to being gay. I’m not a sex object used to please the male viewers. I am a real person who happens to like girls.” (Driver 96)

Rather than waking up one morning to discover a new set of truths, Willow, like many other teenage girls, “become[s] ‘gay’ slowly and patiently, beyond the linear progression and finality.” (Driver 97) Again, this is important, as a realistic view of gay women helps to not only give young questioning women the confidence to believe in themselves and truly understand their feelings, but also to educate a society in which young lesbians are still often considered to be seeking attention, or just simply experimenting. Willow becomes a beacon of hope for a more accepting future.

Returning now to Buffy herself, it is easy to read the Slayer as a metaphor for female power. A beautiful, sassy young woman with super strength and a destiny, while being an attractive feature in any television program, becomes a symbol. “In Buffy, we see no heaven, no God, no Christ,” (Erickson, 114) just the demons and the girl here to save us. None of the main characters in Buffy are particularly religious. Buffy herself, although she has died and gone to what she thought might be heaven, is still unsure of the existence of any higher power. It is mentioned on occasion that Willow is Jewish, but as she delves further into the world of witchcraft this life is left behind and she becomes her own symbol of power. On occasion a character will quote the Bible, but it is almost always a demon or vampire doing so. Does this make a statement regarding fundamental religion, or perhaps those who are drawn to it? Religion is wisely ignored during Buffy whenever possible. While Buffy is a show that relies heavily on occult and religious imagery, there is never a need to shove these images down our throats, although at times Buffy may feel the need to shove one of these religious images, such as a crucifix, down a vampire’s throat.

Buffy has become a symbol of strength and power for those unable to stand up for themselves. Throughout so much of history, women have not had equal rights to men, and it is only in the past hundred years that this has begun to change. In our supposed enlightened and free western society, there are still many women who are downtrodden and controlled. Even some who do not realize it are manipulated by their families, friends or partners. They become less than their potential. Buffy gives us all the opportunity to take the power back, and to fight those who have crushed our spirits. Whether we’re men or women, straight, gay or undecided, black, white or purple, living or undead, Buffy shows us that we all have the power to be strong.

References

Driver, S. “Willow’s Queer Transformations on Buffy the Vampire Slayer: coming of age, coming out, becoming powerful.” in “Queer girls and popular culture: reading, resisting, and creating media”, New York, Peter Lang, 2007, ch.3 pp.91-126.
Erickson, G. “Sometimes you need a story: American Christianity, Vampires and Buffy” in “Fighting the Forces: what’s at stake in Buffy the Vampire Slayer”, Oxford, Rowman and Littlefield, 2002, pp. 108 – 119.
Pender, P. “Kicking Ass is Comfort Food”
Playden, Z. “What You Are, What’s to Come: feminisms, citizenship and the divine” in “Reading the vampire slayer: an unofficial critical companion to Buffy and Angel”, London, Tauris Parke, 2001, ch.6, pp.120-147.
Wilcox, V. “Who died and made her the boss? Patterns of Mortality in Buffy” in “Fighting the Forces: what’s at stake in Buffy the Vampire Slayer”, Oxford, Rowman and Littlefield, 2002, pp. 3 – 17.

Popular Music, the Internet and Religious Identity

CONSTRUCTION OF RELIGIOUS IDENTITIES THROUGH POPULAR MUSIC AND THE INTERNET
by Elina Arola

Introduction
In this essay I attempt to shed some light on how religious identity is constructed through the use of popular music and the internet, and how religious (especially Christian) authorities use popular music to encourage young people to reach out to them. I will also briefly examine how Christian churches view popular music and its impact on the behaviour and attitudes of young people. My focus will be on heavy metal and Christian metal but my research references have material ranging from a variety of popular music genres (e.g. Stiles 2005). I intend to start with introducing different takes on identity construction by means of popular music and the internet, and then tying these together in an example of the transnational Christian metal scene as discussed by Moberg (2007, 2008). I will also critically examine the views asserted by Christian authorities on the values and morals they think metal music conveys, and those they wish to convey themselves, by using a similar musical aesthetic in their own evangelization.

Metal and Christianity

Metal has been a controversial genre ever since its emergence in the early 1970s and religious authorities have condemned its messages and ideologies as satanic and evil (e.g. Moberg 2008). The conflict between the Christian church and popular music has been discussed in various studies by e.g. Dyrendal (2008) and Cataldo (2005). Christianity has blamed metal music for turning adolescents to Satanism. Dyrendal debunks this by making a clear distinction between Satanism as a religion, and adolescent Satanism, or “devil-worshipping”. According to him, Christian authorities’ use of popular media (such as horror films and heavy metal imagery) to warn their members of the dangers of Satanism has turned against itself, making rebellion even more attractive. (Dyrendal 2008: 74-75). On the other hand, the popular music scene is frustrated with Christianity, as well. Cataldo examines the lyrics of several different musical acts (ranging from Disturbed and Metallica to Jewel and R.E.M.) to find signs of this frustration. Christianity in the United States is viewed by these artists to be “stumbling [in the] fulfilment of its social role”, and conveying conflicting messages when it preaches about love and understanding, but condemns various minorities and supports the government in its war pursuits. (Cataldo 2005).

According to Moberg, Christian metal emerged in the United States in the late 1970s as a way for Christian churches to evangelize to secular metal fans, and spread quickly to European countries with established secular metal scenes. One of the main characteristics of Christian metal is the way it has embraced the features (the musical and visual aesthetic) as well as the ideology behind secular metal (standing up for one’s values, not following authority figures etc.). The only notable musical difference between secular and Christian metal is the lyrical content of the songs. (2007: 427-428).

Stiles highlights the economic importance of contemporary Christian music (CCM) in his article Contemporary Christian Music: Public Relations amid Scandal. The industry has boomed especially since the 1980s when artists decided to start drawing influences from secular genres. This combined with a “self-supporting core fan base” has kept the industry afloat even through tough times. (Stiles 2005: 5-7). Luhr (2005) sets Christian metal in a larger framework of contemporary Christian music, and examines its political impact in her article. According to her, the main difference between Christian metal and other genres of CCM was that Christian metal bands played to secular audiences, while other bands and artists from other genres generally focused on people who already were believers (2005: 104).

Popular Music, the Internet and the Construction of Religious Identity

In recent years, the role of institutional religion in people’s lives has declined quite substantially (Lynch 2006: 481, Lövheim 2004: 63). Instead of attending services and prayer sessions in churches and mosques, people are turning to other means of having religious experiences, and new channels for making their religious identities manifest. In his article, Gordon Lynch lists three issues that are relevant for the study of religion and society. The first one is the above-mentioned decline of institutional religion. The second is the rise of a phenomenon of alternative spirituality that is distinct from religion. The third issue is the growing significance of media for religion and spirituality, or the “mediatization of religion.” It is in the intersection of these three issues that the study of popular music and religion becomes particularly important (2006: 481-482).

Lynch goes on to summarize the key scholarly works on the role of popular music in the construction of religious identity. The connection between popular music and religious identity has not been a popular research topic until recently, with scholars such as Robin Sylvan (2005), Christopher Partridge (2005) and Graham St John (2004) examining religious experiences and religious content in popular music, and attempting to connect them to the construction of religious identities. While Lynch finds their work important, he offers some critical feedback on the execution of their research and the conclusions they draw. Lynch finds Sylvan’s definition of religion too broad (which leads to hasty conclusions); criticizes Partridge’s account of the religious content of popular music for not taking into consideration the audience; and wonders why St John’s study of rave audiences’ religious experiences does not go on to explain how these experiences are used in the construction of religious identity. (Lynch 2006: 482-484). To complement these shortcomings, Lynch suggests that we turn to Tia De Nora’s work (2000) in the field of music sociology. Lynch highlights De Nora’s argument of music as a tool for managing one’s identity, environment and emotional state, and her conclusion that people formulate musical meanings in the interplay of memories, musical aesthetics, and the environment and circumstances in which the music is heard (Lynch 2006: 486).

In her article on constructing religious identities online, Mia Lövheim argues that, while the construction of identity is based on the interaction between one’s presentation of self and the feedback one receives for it, it is also influenced by the medium of communication one uses for this interaction (2004: 60). Her other main point is that one can not construct an identity based entirely on online interaction, but that one’s offline experiences play an integral part in it as well. The third important thing to bring up from this article is the relationship of religion and popular media. Lövheim (2004: 64) cites Lynn Schofield Clark’s (2003) conclusion that young people have to negotiate between the different meanings of religious symbols communicated by popular media and organized religion.

In his articles on the “transnational Christian metal scene”, Marcus Moberg (2007, 2008) examines how relatively marginal local Christian metal scenes in Northern Europe, the United States and South America have come together on the internet to form a transnational scene that transgresses the geographical boundaries that would have kept these scenes apart in the past. Moberg chooses to use the term ‘scene’ instead of ‘subculture’ because of its suitability for examining temporal and spatial relations and circumstances within the consumption and production of popular music (Kahn-Harris 2007, in Moberg 2008: 82), and because it draws attention to the interconnectedness of different aspects of popular music culture (such as fandom, the popular music industry etc.). Moberg defines scene as something that “is formed when a number of people in a certain place, with a shared passion for a particular kind of music, come together and develop a vide [sic] range of other practices, discourses, aesthetics and styles in relation to that particular form of music.” His aim is to use the concept of scene to illustrate the local, national and transnational dimensions within Christian metal. (Moberg 2008: 83).

Moberg (2007) examines the construction of alternative Christian identities in the context of the transnational Christian metal scene. The processes involved in the construction of identity require a scene (such as the church) (Dyrendal 2008: 68), but with Christian metal being a relatively marginal scene, there is a need to look outside the box to find a channel for the self presentation discussed by Lövheim (2004). Moberg identifies four central discourses that are central in the Christian metal scene.

The Christian metal scene is seen as “(1.) an alternative form of religious expression and identity, (2.) a legitimate form of religious expression, (3.) an effective means of evangelism and fighting and standing up for the Christian faith, and, (4.) a positive alternative to secular metal.” (Moberg 2007: 424-425). The scene has brought together people from different social, ideological and religious backgrounds, and, while these differences raise some debates among members, the scene is viewed as a shared space where Christians with different backgrounds can “shape an alternative form of religious expression and Christian identity.” The internet has facilitated the spreading of these discourses, and this has led to an independent “scenic infrastructure” which consists of record companies, fanzines, magazines, distribution channels, message boards and festivals. (ibid: 428-429) Fans of Christian metal tend to feel alienated from their churches because of their habitus and musical preference and the imagery and rhetoric connected to it (ibid: 429). The church’s attitude against metal is another reason. Luhr argues that Christian musicians, as well as the people who rally against metal, believe music can be used to influence audience behaviour and attitudes, and that, using the theatrics and imagery in addition to the musical aesthetic of secular metal, they can reach people more easily. On the other hand, critics among the Christian community are worried that by turning to these means of evangelizing, the musicians will corrupt their own values and morals. (Luhr 2005: 106). Thus, it can be argued, that turning to the internet to create networks of likeminded people, such as in the case of Moberg’s Christian metal scene, is a way of reinforcing one’s own religious identity without being condemned or judged by authority figures – an ideology that both secular and Christian metal fans would agree with.

Concluding Remarks

In today’s world of highly independent and individual religions and spiritualities, popular music and the internet are important tools in identity construction. Clark (2006: 476) argues that music has become a vehicle for having religious experiences that may not normally be available to people. Based on what I have read from Moberg’s (2007) and Lövheim’s (2004) work on identity construction, I think the same can be said about the internet. I agree with Lynch (2006) in that more research needs to be conducted on the relationship of religion, identity and popular music, but I would argue that the role of the internet and online identities can not be excluded. As Clark (2006: 476) puts it, “people now have transnational experiences and identities”, which Moberg has confirmed in his work. The music industry has become increasingly global because of the internet. And with the introduction of small and cheap portable music devices, music has become a more intimate and immediate part of people’s everyday lives – in a sense it has occupied the void left behind by the decline of institutional religion.

Whether the music people use to construct their identities is produced in a religious framework or not does not matter in the end. The experiences people get from music are deeply personal and individual, and it is up to the individual to choose which genre of music he or she likes, and whether the experiences can be described as religious or spiritual or not. What matters is that people can find other individuals to relate to, in order to get the feedback they need for identity construction. It is in this respect that we need to recognize the internet as the invaluable tool that it is.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Primary Academic References
Cataldo, J (2005): Popular Music on Christianity in the United States: Christianity’s Failure to Love. Journal of Religion and Popular Culture, Vol. IX, Spring ‘05:
http://www.usask.ca/relst/jrpc/art9-popmusiconx.html
Clark, LS (2006): Introduction to a Forum on Religion, Popular Music, and Globalization. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. Vol. 45, Issue 4. Pp. 475-479.
Dyrendal, A (2008): Devilish Consumption: Popular Culture in Satanic Socialization. Numen, Vol. 55, No. 1. Pp. 68-98.
Luhr, E (2005): Metal Missionaries to the Nation: Christian Heavy Metal Music, "Family Values," and Youth Culture, 1984-1994. American Quarterly, Vol. 57, No. 1. Pp. 103-128
Lynch, G (2006): The Role of Popular Music in the Construction of Alternative Spiritual Identities and Ideologies. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion Vol. 45, Issue 4. Pp. 481-488.
Lövheim, M (2004): Young People, Religious Identity and the Internet. Religion Online: Finding Faith on the Internet. New York, Routledge. Pp. 59-73.
Moberg, M (2007): The Transnational Christian Metal Scene Expressing Alternative Christian Identity through a Form of Popular Music. Linköping University Electronic Press, Linköpings universitet:
http://www.ep.liu.se/ecp/025/045/ecp072545.pdf
Moberg, M (2008): The Internet and the Construction of a Transnational Christian Metal Music Scene. Culture and Religion. Vol. 9, Issue 1. Pp. 81-99.
Stiles, J (2005): Contemporary Christian Music: Public Relations amid Scandal. Journal of Religion and Popular Culture. Vol. XI: Fall ’05:
http://www.usask.ca/relst/jrpc/art11-christianmusic.html

Secondary Academic References
Clark, LS (2003) From Angels to Aliens: Teenagers, the Media, and the Supernatural. New York. Oxford University Press.
De Nora, T (2000): Music in Everyday Life. Cambridge. Cambridge University Press.
Kahn-Harris, K (2007): Extreme metal. Music and Culture on the Edge. Oxford. Berg.
Partridge, C (2005a): The Re-Enchantment of the West (vol. 1): Understanding Popular Culture. London. Continuum.
Partridge, C (2005b): The Re-Enchantment of the West (vol. 2): Alternative Spiritualities, Sacralization, Popular Culture and Occulture. London. Continuum.
St John, G (ed.) (2004): Rave Culture and Religion. London. Routledge.
Sylvan, R (2005): Traces of the Spirit: The Religious Dimension of Popular Music. New York. New York University Press.